Conversation with an icon: A brief discourse with Harold Cardinal

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Editor's Note: Ron Barbour, A Cree man originally from Norway House, Man. who now lives in Vancouver, found himself driven to tell of his encounter with a pioneer in the awakening of political activism among Aboriginal people in Canada, in the first person. This is not a common way for a journalist to write, but Barbour said he felt so honored to get the assignment to interview fellow Vancouver resident Harold Cardinal that he needed to take this unusual step.

Thirty years ago, acting under the direction of Liberal Prime Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau, Jean Chretien, then the minister of Indian Affairs, presented the House of Commons with a plan which was ironically termed the White Paper on Indian Policy.

Aboriginal leaders all over the country bitterly opposed the Chretien plan, saying it was the ultimate assimilation tool.

Harold Cardinal made national headlines in those days as he spearheaded the ground swell protest by First Nations people against the infamous White Paper.

Fast forward to a few days ago. I am talking on the phone with Harold Cardinal himself, agreeing on a location where we can meet. He recommends a place he knows. A nice quiet place where we can talk, he says.

I arrive a few minutes early hoping to snap a picture or two. I suddenly realize that I might not recognize him. Will he still resemble the austere warrior I remembered from the old black and white television news footage? Before I can prep my camera, he's here. The icon of Indian pride. He hasn't changed much - in fact he looks quite healthy and generates an air of calm and confidence. The years out of the public eye have been good to him.

We sit and order coffee and after some friendly, introductory banter, I start the interview by asking him what he considers to be the difference between what he saw happening back in 1969 and what he sees happening now.

He paused slightly, weighing his words carefully, then begins telling me that the question has many levels and the answers vary depending on the level you address it at. Undaunted by complexities, he takes on the challenge.

"In '69, what was being proposed," Cardinal said thoughtfully, "was basically the implementation of what the Americans had tried before with their termination policy - and that was the termination of that special status, the reserves and treaties, at its core. In its place, what was being proposed was assimilation into the Canadian structure."

Cardinal continued by saying that the White Paper proposed amendments to the Constitution that would remove the Constitutional references to status Indians. The fact that we currently have recognition and affirmation to Aboriginal and treaty rights, history has shown, is a reflection of the opposition led by Cardinal and his contemporaries.

"I think in that sense it's directly opposite from what was being proposed," said Cardinal, "and in many ways I think it is, at least from a legal perspective, it's a much stronger position for First Nations people across the country.

"But having said that," he continued, "the underlying debate, I think is still almost where it was at in '69, if not where it was at in '69, and that is the tug for assimilation and bringing the First Nations into the Canadian mainstream. I think that's still very much part of government thinking and policy. And I think, even though I'm not sure I would say superficial, but at the visual level, you have processes that appear to be aimed at accommodating First Nation realities. When you begin delving into those processes, you find that they're pretty much intent on accomplishing what they were trying to in '69."

Cardinal has been keeping his attention on the Yukon comprehensive claims settlements. This is because, he said, that's where you'll find the manifestations of the imposed Canadian citizenship concepts and also where First Nations are assuming vastly expanded jurisdictional control of particular territories - the implementation of a third order of gvernment and the acceptance of such.

Cardinal has noted the reluctance by the parties involved in the current British Columbia treaty-making process to refer to the term "third order of government," and only recently has the province used the term in their advertising campaigns. He also notes the very galvanized opposition to the term and concept. Cardinal senses the government is "precariously situated on the fence of the issue."

Although he admits to seeing some changes in the attitude of the federal government's administration of the Indian Act and its policies, he also feels that little has changed. He feels the problem is deeply rooted.

"It really goes back to what I think I would call an ingrained institutional racism which refuses to acknowledge or accept First Nations in other than the traditional ways that they view them. And a very strong resistance to change.

"And I think that it's something that's ingrained into the educational system, as well," Cardinal added.

He is disturbed to see that the most strident reactions against recognition of First Nations rights are coming from the young people in our universities. He feels there must be something inherently wrong with the educational system if university-educated people with presumed analytical skills are having difficulty accepting First Nations rights and title issues.

Cardinal is also aware of an anti-Native backlash that has been brewing. He agreed with some of the slightly paranoid conspiracy theories that I've been entertaining.

"There is a well-financed, well-organized, right-wing effort that has targeted as one of its areas, the First Nations situation, and who have been very adept at developing the access to the media and in lobbying. They have, I think, more than anything, been able to determine and define the political agenda in this country," Cardinal said.

He also reflects on his disdain with the Native leadership. Cardinal says he is disheartened by the lack of political activity and engagemnt by political leadership. Rather than confronting this political force and engaging them in a clear and healthy debate, Cardinal feels the leadership has adopted an "ignore them and they'll go away" attitude. He says this attitude is prevalent in the media, where government spokesmen and non-Native academics represent Native opinion and attempt to deal with and answer some of the issues that are emerging.

"What you have is a debate," said Cardinal, "where you have White people arguing with each other about Indians, without Indians participating in that and I find that astonishing. And I think that because of that you have a political agenda that is being dictated almost completely by non-First Nations people."

Cardinal concedes there is a plethora of First Nations issues that need to be dealt with internally. He cites, for example, the problems of colonization, historical and contemporary, that have to be addressed. Issues such as the cumulative effects of the residential school syndrome.

"That represented a state-sponsored brainwashing at its crudest," Cardinal said, "and that worked for generations. It wasn't a program that was in place for a few years, then abandoned. It was a systematic effort put forth by the state, and I think we need to really look at that and identify the damage that was done to us collectively as a people and, of course, as individuals. Because I think it's only by understanding those things that we can be in a position to begin rebuilding and restructuring and repairing the damage that's been there."

Cardinal believes that First Nations people need to look at, identify and address the damage that was done to them collectively as well as individually before rebuilding and restructuring can begin to happen in a constructive, healthy way.

Prior to dropping out of the public eye, Cardinal began dedicating himself to his traditional training. Becoming a recluse for the better part of 20 years, he concentrated on the knowledge of his Elders. lmost 10 years ago, Cardinal decided to continue with his academic training to complete his doctorate of law degree.

With this repertoire of legal and traditional principles and wisdom he intends to return to his home community in Sucker Creek, Alberta and with the Elders, address the problems of institutional development and the development of structures for self-government. Beyond that, he anticipates developing educational models that will address First Nations realities.

It's this kind of visionary, pioneering spirit that has driven this humble man to look backwards to the teachings of his ancestors and with that knowledge to step forward into the future with the knowledge of his contemporaries. A monumental task - to build hybrid societal infrastructure, a bridge spanning ideas, cultures and values. I can't think of a person who could be more qualified or apt to succeed.